Events & Issues

New Delhi, 10 December 2007

Gujarat Elections

CONGRESS LOSES INITIATIVE

By T.D. Jagadesan

No soon do elections come around that the political parties start looking for the voters they had discarded five years ago. This time round, nothing is more blatant and insulting than the Congress Party’s attempts to “appease” the Muslims in Gujarat.

Five years of silence has suddenly been broken by the half-hearted attacks on the ‘Ugly Indian’ (read Narendra Modi), even as Congress leaders are secretly in touch with the ‘supposed’ rebels in the BJP. Notwithstanding, that the rebels are as culpable as Modi for the ‘pogrom’ that shook the foundations of secular India.

Opportunism and tokenism might or might not win an election, but it definitely does nothing to strengthen secularism in the country. The fight against the communal forces should have been waged as a virtual war from the day innocent citizens were brutally mobbed, raped and murdered. Instead of the Congress, Lalu Yadav and others addressing the minority constituency now and taking up cudgels against the perpetrators.

The battle had to be fought relentlessly, but every political party claiming to have stakes in Gujarat, let the people of India down. They let the State be run by the ‘Ugly Indian’, who was in fact, hailed by representatives of the Congress-led UPA coalition as a “great administrator.” Who allowed the minorities to be reduced to second-class citizens.

It is not as if the Congress and its leaders did not know what was happening. But they couldn’t care less, as elections were still far away. The PM, Congress President and the Prime Minister-in-waiting who now appear to be interested in making some kind of a show in the beleaguered State, stayed away for a full five years. Even as activists staged demonstrations, moved the courts and tried to get some justice for the traumatized people of the State.

They have been left alone to deal with the trauma of death and insecurity, and know, as did Ashan Jafri in his last hours before the mobs butchered him, that the Congress is in no position to help. The Tehelka exposure that is suddenly exciting comment uses the same group of BJP perpetrators to disclose what the victims have been stating from the day mob fury broke out.

Why? Because confessions by criminals are more honest than the testimonies of the victims. There is enough on record to nail the ‘Ugly Indian’ and his conspirators in crime and one does not need to depend on these statements, which in any case, are relevant only to bring the murders to book. They cannot be taken into the secular fight for justice.

But that has not happened. No one in the Government or in the Congress has the courage to use the Tehelka tapes to imprison these rebels. All they are dong is to “shush” the BJP, make a few speeches lauding their own commitment to secularism, and using the tapes to score points. Rather than pointers for direct action.

Communalism cannot be fought by soft communalism. The RSS and the BJP cannot be countered by a Congress that is always looking over its shoulder for votes, frightened that by speaking for justice and the security of the minorities would alienate the majority. A Party which lost its ideological moorings a long time ago today cowers the moment it hears a communal “boo.”

The Muslims are not fools. Except for the highly ‘purchasable’ imams and maulanas, the Muslim janata knows that the sudden interest being shown by the Congress has all to do with the forthcoming elections and nothing to do with their real problems. Topping the list is security.

The term of the Liberahan Commission has been extended by another two months. This is over 15 years after it was appointed on the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Some one is running sacred, and it is definitely not the BJP.

Either the Commission has allowed itself to be buffeted by political considerations, or it has not done its work while drawing the perks of office. Or it has come to no conclusion as it does not want to displease any political power. Or the Congress is running sacred and does not know how it will handle what will definitely be a controversial report, regardless of what the Commission says or does not say.

Justice again is being denied, and not to the Muslims, but to the Indian nation, for which secularism and democracy are as vital as oxygen is for its citizens. On the Srikrishna report, the Congress made some noises as it felt that the implementation of the recommendations of the Report could bring it some goodwill from the minorities.

But after a few tentative statements, the Maharashtra Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh and his mentors in Delhi backed off with the babus preparing to cover the Srikrishna report again in a white cloth that substitutes rather effectively for a coffin.

Sadly, scores of reports on communal violence, be it by the PAC in Uttar Pradesh or against the Sikhs in Delhi, lie forgotten. And if there is any movement forwards it is only because of vigilant social groups and occasionally the judiciary.

Security is the issue that is foremost on the Muslim agenda. It cannot be addressed by “appeasement” which basically means token statements, announcement of useless schemes that are never implemented, conferences targeting the minorities, high-level appointments, visits to Muslim shrines etc.

No doubt some imams will appear to stand by the side of the Congress leaders as cameras click, just as they did when BJP’s Vajpayee was the Prime Minister. There is no dearth of these gentlemen willing to sell their souls for recognition and more importantly, money.

But all this does nothing for the angry young people in Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Andhra Pradesh who find the State pitted against them. Who find that they are the first suspects in any terror attack. Who find that their tomorrow is not guaranteed as the State conspires with the communalists to push them back further into the ghettos from which they have been trying to escape.

They say the ‘Ugly Indian’ is a good administrator. In fact, Congressmen who head the campaign in Gujarat assert, “Of course we know what he has done, but you have to acknowledge he is a great administrator.”

Is he? Can a Chief Minister who has ensured that a large section of the population cowers in fear, and is denied its rights, be a good administrator? Is this the way Governments are judged today, only by statistics and not by the reality on the ground?

Growth statistics, regardless of deepening poverty; good administration, regardless of the pogrom and the continuing exercise of State terror. Globalisation has certainly changed definitions and shifted indicators of growth from the people to paper.

The elections in Gujarat are not about Hindus and Muslims. The elections in Gujarat are about justice and injustice. The ‘Ugly Indian’ through sustained propaganda has kept the communal fires simmering. The Congress, sacred and uncertain, has lost the initiative and has no idea where to start the campaign from even now. Precious days have been lost and the Congress has little to offer except a few emotional speeches in the hope that this hoodwinks the Muslims masses outside Gujarat at least.

The Mulims are Indians. And Indians are not fools. --- INFA

 (Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

EVENTS & ISSUES

New Delhi, 26 November 2007

Factionalism in BJP

IS MODI  INDIA’S FUTURE?

By M D Nalapat

(Holds UNESCO Peace Chair, Prof, Geopolitics, Manipal Academy of

Higher Education, Ex-Resident Editor, Times of India, Delhi)

Indians seems to be unusually curious about their leaders. How many of us know that Sonia Gandhi has two sisters, and that the three completed secondary school in Italy before finding work? How many are aware of the domestic arrangements in the life of Atal Behari Vajpayee? Almost none. And a similar ignorance is manifested about an individual who, if he wins once again in Gujarat, could emerge as the main challenger to Sonia Gandhi's ascendancy in 2009, Narendra Modi.

Rather than the 16 per cent growth rate of his State, the Gujarat Chief Minister is defined in the media by the post-Godhra riots, the rest of his record being ignored as completely as those who were torched to death on the Godhra train.  The act of violence that sparked an inexcusable pogrom against innocents from the next morning. Interestingly, most of those directly involved in the violence are now on the anti-Modi side, being backed by a Congress Party which is aware of the danger its minority votebank faces from a Modi victory next month

The riots themselves followed a three-stage pattern, and sadly, this pattern has gone unnoticed by the media. The first stage was a frenzied public reaction to the torching of the train compartment that manifested itself in the form of attacks on members of the minority community. After two days, the victims organized themselves and began to retaliate, so that in this round, it was mostly members of the majority community that lost their lives.

The next and final stage of the post-Godhra riots was the most vicious, and according to some accounts, the funding for the well-orchestrated killing during this round came from members of a (majority community) mafia that wanted to break the monopoly that another mafia ( which was populated by members of the minority) had over the illicit liquor trade in Gujarat.

As in the ill-advised attempts to bring back Prohibition into Haryana, the banning of alcohol in Gujarat has not stopped the consumption as much as it has spawned the growth of a vicious mafia to run the trade, which nets an estimated profit of Rs 3200 crores in unaccounted money.

Almost all the deaths during this “majority” mafia-funded phase of the Gujarat killings were caused to the minority community. And by the conclusion of the carnage, the "minority" mafia had been driven out of the liquor trade in favour of the "majority" mafia. This battle for spoils was  behind the third and most brutal phase of the killings.

Clearly, it is a matter of shame that the Central and State Governments were unable to prevent either this or the second and third stages of the post-Godhra murders from getting played out. Prompt action would have saved 90 per cent of the lives lost in the Gujarat orgy that has blackened the face of India.

But equally with Narendra Modi, the then Central Government headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee needs to be faulted for its failure to prevent the killings of hundreds of innocent citizens, most of them members of the minority community.   

Moreover, exactly as the 1992 Ayodhya incident had shadowed the Congress Party, the post-Godhra killings since 2002 have significantly affected the BJP's ability to bring together a coalition of parties under its leadership. The TDP and the AIADMK being just two examples of major political parties unwilling to risk their minority votebanks by aligning with the Saffron Party.

True, Modi has become anathema to liberal and secular India, but what has yet to be attempted is a full examination of his life. Who, for example, is aware that the teenager Modi spent nearly two years of his life at the foothills of the Himalayas, seeking wisdom? Or, as acquaintances say, that he was married off against his will at the age of 14 by his father to a girl two years younger, whom he never saw subsequently? Because of the age factor, this wedding was not legal, and the young girl in question is today a schoolteacher in Gujarat, living out her life in obscurity.

Modi's father had apparently been afraid that his headstrong son would become a sanyasin, and hence sought to tempt him into a householder life. However, the strong-willed Modi refused the conjugal bed and has since kept away from his would-be spouse, by not meeting her even once after the "kanyadan”. In an era when politicians live lives of luxury, the Gujarat CM stands out for a sanyasin-like austerity  

Because Modi has stopped the spoils system, in contrast to Keshubhai Patel, under whom a culture of deal-making flourished, he is unpopular with the many who see politics as the surest path towards enrichment. Unlike in the past, these days, officers in Gujarat --- whether in the police or in other branches of the administration --- work without fear of punitive action by politicians angered by their refusal to entertain suggestions for graft.

These days, the surest way to sudden tax-free wealth is to be an anti-Modi BJP functionary, and the Congress Party is known to be generous in its assistance to such elements. A check of the funding behind the numerous anti-Modi rallies and gatherings would be instructive.

Over the past six months, a crescendo of criticism has been heard about Narendra Modi, as much from within his Party as also from the Congress, with the intention of causing his defeat in the forthcoming State Assembly polls. Should the BJP return to power in Gujarat, the credit for that will go to just one man, Narendra Modi.

Precisely what many within the top rungs of the BJP are afraid of. These "second tier" leaders have prospered through compromise and adjustment, with most having more friends in the Congress ranks than within the BJP. They have come to hold high offices not because of grass-roots work, but because of the patronage of the two patriarchs of the Saffron Party, Vajpayee and Advani, and have spent almost all their time in "durbar" politics.

A Modi victory would represent a challenge from the grass-roots to the coterie system that has been in control of the BJP almost since the Party's inception, certainly since the mysterious death of Deen Dayal Upadhyaya.

With a third Assembly triumph in Gujarat under his belt, Modi would emerge as the most popular and therefore most powerful BJP leader, eclipsing Vajpayee. Over the past five years, he seems to have moved away from religion-based politics into issues of development, embracing both the English language as well as the MNCs in his push to make Gujarat a state as affluent as California.

Should he win, hopefully he will make it a priority to reach out to the minority communities, for only an inclusivist India can be a prospering India. Should he win, the next official post that Modi may occupy is that of Prime Minister of the Republic of India. ---- INFA

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)

Events And Issues

New Delhi, 19 November 2007

Nandigram-Khejuri Portents

TOWARDS CIVIL WAR IN WEST BENGAL

By Dr. Nitish Sengupta

(Till recently, MP, Lok Sabha, from Contai, neighbouring

Nandigram and Khejuri in West Bengal)

What has happened in Nandigram in the few days starting from November 6 is a matter of shame for West Bengal and for the Government authorities in general.  The manner in which red guards from adjoining areas of Khejuri P.S., from Keshpur and Garbeta in West Midnapore district and also from Burdwan, Bankura and Hooghly districts came fully armed to Nandigram area and staged attacks on the people of Nandigram for three or four days and physically reoccupied Nandigram, is unprecedented and shocking. The police force simply withdrew, not to speak of taking action against such blatant violations of law and order and our constitutional provisions.

Houses were burnt, property was looted or destroyed, women were raped and members of the local Association of Protection of Land were simply overpowered with brute force by the CPM goons. To add to the sad story, no outsiders not even a well-known social activist like Medha Patekar and Mamata Banerjee, the Trinamool Congress leader, and journalists in general were allowed to visit Nandigram and kept confined at Kalighat the main entry point. This is yet another violation of the fundamental right granted in our Constitution for freedom of movement and freedom of speech.

It is true that Nandigram,  a CPM bastion till recently, revolted against the State Government early this year on account of land acquisition notices distributed by the Haldia Development Authority for acquisition of land for a chemical hub. People of Nandigram naturally got nervous and protested against this acquisition. They formed the Bhoomi Uched Pratirodh Committee. Thus the CPM suddenly found itself out-maneouvred in an area they were accustomed to think of as their own stronghold.

In order to teach a lesson to their erstwhile CPM colleagues now turned opponents, on 14^th March armed CPM goons and policemen entered Nandigram killing many and wounding many more. Since then there has been a steady exodus of people from Nandigram which place was closed to the CPM cadre until the recent incident, when by a tremendous show of force the red brigade brought Nandigram under its control.

It is noticed that this blatant action, oblivious of public opinion or propriety, has already cost the CPM the support of a great majority of artists and intellectuals who have been traditionally supporting the Left Front in West Bengal. Secondly, this also cost the CPM the support of nearly all other constituents of the Left Front viz. the Revolutionary Socialist Party, the Community Party of India and the Forward Bloc. These three constituents have declared their opposition to the big brotherly attitude of the CPM and their revolutionary strong arm behaviour.

A Minister like Kshiti Goswami has expressed a desire to resign from the Government. One cannot minimize the great importance of the other parties in the constitution of the Left Front. Their withdrawal of support may very well cost the Left Front and the CPM very dearly. Above every thing else, there is the question of a ‘don’t-care-attitude’ shown by the CPM cadres which no doubt have the support from their leaders. Thirdly, one has to take seriously the outburst of Governor Gopal Krishna Gandhi calling the Nandigram incidents as shocking and unacceptable.

For years the CPM cadre in Khejuri have practically kept the local people in a sort of serfdom where they are not allowed to express their opinion or take any action without permission of the local CPM leadership. Things came to such a pass during the last panchayat elections that no non-CPM candidate was allowed to file his or her nomination through use of brute force.

All representations made to higher authorities came to naught and the panchayat elections took place with CPM as the only party contesting the elections. Clearly, this was a precursor to what they were going to do during the Parliamentary elections and the Assembly elections. During the Parliamentary elections they simply turned all the polling booths in that area into closed shops, not allowing any voter to enter the booths to cast his vote.

Even the polling agents of the Trinamool Congress candidate were not allowed to enter the polling booths allotted to them. The police looked the other way pretending not to notice any thing. Even the partisan District Magistrates helped the CPM cadres in what became a clear case of a manipulated election. Obviously, the CPM wants to repeat the same both in Khejuri and Nandigram during the panchayat elections. That is why it is important for them to physically control the area in question.

But the point is that in doing so the red brigade has violated the fundamental provisions of our Constitution and one can argue that the administration in West Bengal cannot any longer be carried on according to the provisions of the Constitution and, therefore, some action on the part of the Central Government is needed.

While Article 356 of the Constitution may not be the appropriate provision, there is no reason why some action should not be considered under Article 355, declaring Khejuri and Nandigram as disturbed areas and sending army contingents to maintain peace in that area. This will surely salvage the Governments’ prestige that it has already lost on account of its inaction in allowing the situation in Nandigram.

One knows there are some obvious defects in applying Article 355 of the Constitution. But there is no harm in at least making an effort and thereby bring the present Government in West Bengal under some kind of a challenge. The posting of the CRPF has not been of any use. Incidentally, so arrogant was the CPM cadre in Nandigram that they have even refused to allow the initial contingent of the CRPF to enter Nandigram. Subsequently, some CRPF forces have been stationed, but under orders of the local police officials --- and well after it is all over and Nandigram had gone under the control to the CPM’s red brigade.

In such a situation, stationing of the CRPF contingents is an empty show which cannot give confidence to the people who have been affected and thrown out of Nandigram. We must take into account the fact that the Nandigram issue has caused deep scars in West Bengal’s body politic, putting a whole range of people, such as performing artists, intellectuals and even CPM’s fellow parties in the Left Front against the CPM.

The CPM has tried to justify its action in Nandigram by saying that a large number of Maoists had gained entry in Nandigram and, therefore, it was necessary to uproot them. But this is a myth which seems to have deluded some people in Delhi as well. There is no evidence to show Maoists’ entry in Nandigram in any significant way.

The statement by West Bengal’s Home Secretary, Prasad Ranjan Roy on Tuesday, November 13 that no Maoist was found yet in the troubled town region, gives a lie to the CPM’s propaganda. No Maoist has been arrested from the region. In fact the excuse given by the CPM leaders about Maoists’ infiltration in Nandigram sounds very much like George Bush’s excuse to attack Iraq on the grounds of the presence of weapons of mass destruction, while the UN specialists were not able to detect any such WMD in Iraq.

Most importantly, the Calcutta High Court has confirmed the nationwide impression about the scandalous happenings in Nandigram. It ruled on November 16 that the police firing in Nandigram was “unconstitutional and not justifiable.” What is more, the Court once again asked the CBI to launch a full-fledged inquiry into the police firing and submit a report within a month. All in all, what has happened in Nandigram is a matter of great shame. Unless strong corrective action is taken, West Bengal might gradually get pushed towards a civil war, which would cost the nation dearly. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Events And Issues

Eleventh Plan On Water Resources

URGENT NEED FOR BETTER MANAGEMENT

By T.D. Jagadesan

The Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, has called for a paradigm shift in dealing with water management as the Government could not continue to subsidise the economic and commercial use of water. He underscored the importance of efficient, economical and more rational use of water especially in irrigation, construction and other sectors.

Inaugurating the first-ever National Congress on Groundwater, organized by the Union Ministry of Water Resources, last month, Singh stated: “Providing free power to farmers has encouraged excessive use of pump sets and excessive drawl of ground-water. If there is economic pricing of power, there would be some incentive for conserving groundwater, water conservation and management can be better served through appropriate incentives and penalties.”

Water is a critical input for agriculture and it called for more effective utilization of the existing irrigation potential, expansion of irrigation at an economic cost where possible and better water management in rainfed areas where assured irrigation is not possible. Clearly, in this area past policies have been inadequate and the performance in expanding irrigation has been disappointing. Thanks to resources being spread thinly over many projects and a large number of irrigation projects remaining under construction for many years.

The Bharat Nirman programme envisages creation of 1 million hectares additional assured irrigation during the four year period (2005-2009). To achieve this, the pace of potential creation, according to hydrologists, will have to increase from 1.42 million hectares per year in recent years to 2.5 million hectares per year.

Of the new potential envisaged under Bharat Nirman, about half is planned for the first two years (2007-08 and 08-09) of the Eleventh Plan. Assuming the same rate continues thereafter, a total of about 11 million hectares of new potential can be expected in the 11^th Plan consisting of 5.5 million hectares in major and medium irrigation, 3.5 million hectares through minor irrigation and about 2.0 million hectares through ground water development. In addition, another 3-4 million hectares of land is to be restored through modernization of major, medium, and minor projects and restoration of tanks.

Investments in the major and medium irrigation sector will require large resources from the State governments supported by Central Assistance under the AIBP. However, prioritization by proper cost-benefit analysis and timely implementation of these projects by State Governments is also important. As is regular monitoring by the Central Water Commission. It is proposed to expand the usage of remote sensing techniques, initiated on a pilot basis in the 10^th Plan, for this purpose.

Along with the expansion of irrigation facilities, the Government should ensure that water is distributed equitably and used efficiently. The pattern observed in the past, where tail-enders are denied water because upper-end-ushers appropriate it for highly water intensive crops must be avoided.

Towards that end, Participatory Irrigation Management (PIM) by a democratically organized water user association empowered to set and collect charges, and retain a substantial part of the collection, would help to maintain field channels, expand the irrigation area, distribute water equitably and provide the tail-enders their just share of water. Experience in Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat has shown the effectiveness of such a PIM. The 11^th Plan must expand reliance on the PIM on a large scale.

Water is also critical for rainfed as well as un-irrigated land which accounts for more than 60 per cent of the cultivable area. Water conservation and ground water management is vital for these areas and will, therefore, need much more focused attention.

According to planners, in some regions, particularly, the lower Gangetic plains and Assam there is a vast scope to utilize the abundant ground water which can quickly add to output. Tapping this potential must be an essential part of 11^th Plan strategy. In other regions, there is urgent need for discipline on groundwater use to avoid the deepening agricultural crisis in dry land areas.

Besides, some policies followed by the State Governments encourage wasteful use of water. As the NCF has pointed out, having access to cheap power almost doubles the amount of water used per unit crop compared to farmers using diesel pump sets. The continued provision of free power by some State and highly subsidized power by almost all States encourages excessive use of ground water. This is reflected in the fact that semi-critical, critical, and over-exploited areas of groundwater use are increasing and already cover 29 per cent of the blocks in the country.

Watershed management, rainwater harvesting and ground water recharge can help augment water availability in rainfed areas. Micro-irrigation is also important to improve water use efficiency. Building structures for water management and managing them provide immediate opportunities for employment generation in rural areas. The enhanced productivity of land will generate further sustainable demand for labour in rural areas. The National Rainfed Areas Authority would provide for developing concrete action plans for rainfed areas in close consultation with the State Governments. 

A serious effort to addressing water management issues will require a substantial commitment of public resources. With an estimated 80 million hectares needing treatment and average expenditure of Rs.10,000 per hectare, the total requirement of these programmes should be covered by or at least supplemented by the Employment Guarantee programme. At any rate the local level schemes which conserve moisture and recharge ground water should be funded.

Sadly, the 10^th Plan target of providing potable drinking water to all villages has not been achieved. Thus, water-borne infections have hampered absorption of food even when intake is sufficient. Clean drinking water is, therefore, vital to reduce the incidence of disease and to check malnutrition. Under Bharat Nirman plans are afoot to cover 55,067 uncovered habitations in 4 years (2005-09). However, rural water supply is beset with the problem of sustainability, maintenance, and water quality.

Hence, though more than 95 per cent coverage was achieved prior to Bharat Nirman, 2.8 lakh out of the 14.22 lakh habitations in the country, have slipped back from the fully covered statues. Another 2.17 lakh habitations have problems with the quality of water; about 60,000 habitations face serious problems of salinity or arsenic and fluoride contamination. These habitations will also be taken up under Bharat Nirman. The 11^th Plan will emphasize full and timely realization of the Bharat Nirman targets.

The 11^th Plan will also address issues of sustainability by moving away wherever possible from ground water to surface water resources. Where alternate sources do not exist, or are not cost effective, ground water recharge measures will be insisted upon in the vicinity of the project. At the same time, flood forecasting, control and management are also vitally important for many parts of the country.

The Plan will move away from State implemented and managed projects to encourage community owned and managed projects, like the Swajaldhara Programmes. In the 10^th Plan, swajaldhara had a limited provision of 20 per cent of the allocation of the Accelerated Rural Water Supply Programme (ARWSP). It will need to be up-scaled so that more and more schemes are community managed, reducing the maintenance burden and responsibility of the State. For this purpose, the States will have to fully utilize the funds provided by the 12^th Finance Commission. ---INFA

 (Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)